It will be very difficult to explain the dynamics of these confusing times to anyone in the future. The historical record seems diluted in disconnected phrases and acts. The classic Monica meme, already used to describe countless moments of this country, in which the characters are running and screaming "What's going on? What's going on? I don't know, I don't know" is a kind of permanent sensation for those who insist on reading newspapers and news sites.
Not because of a lack of information, the press, in general, is competent, but because of its excess.
How to describe, for example, that the Attorney General of the Republic, target of criminal news in the Supreme Court for his conduct in line with Jair Bolsonaro, defends the electronic ballot box, as opposed to the coup fetish of the president by the printed vote.
Or explain that Augusto Aras claims to be represented by his assistant attorneys, to the point of taking their decisions, but that when one of them defends a strange idea, such as that the use of masks lacks scientific proof, functional independence speaks louder. Most of the articles that come out with Aras "wasn't Aras," he told reporters Marcelo Rocha and Matheus Teixeira, from Folha, in 13 well spent minutes of an interview on Wednesday (18th).
If the ambiguity of the Attorney General is calculated, how does one analyze the behavior of Lindôra Araújo, the assistant attorney general who rejected the effectiveness of the mask in favor of the president and, two days later, asked for a search and seizure against the group formed by Sérgio Reis, the Deputy Ottoni de Paula and many others who "may attack democracy" in Sete de Setembro? The fact was highlighted in a headline in O Globo, but not in Folha.
Human Rights Watch report shows that Jair Bolsonaro blocked 176 profiles of journalists, media, politicians and critics on his social networks. The practice compromises the freedom of expression, the same that the president asks of those who preach the burning of courts. Donald Trump did the same, but was restrained by US courts. From there also came the inspiration to detract from professional journalism and spread disinformation, found the Federal Police when asking the TSE to suspend the monetization of sites investigated by fake news, revealed the Panel column.
If there were more analysis and opinions about the lenient behavior of the Attorney General in the Bolsonaro era, this newspaper lacked an equivalent effort towards the Judiciary, more united than ever. Within a week, the president threatened and carried out the request for impeachment of Alexandre de Moraes in the Senate and even found time to demand from the Supreme Court revision of an article of the court's regiment - which allows the opening of an official investigation, without the participation of the Public Ministry.
None of this will succeed, but it underlines the trustee's mandate against the court that directly impedes him. It so happens that the Brazilian magistracy would be feeling completely affected, according to the most interesting hypothesis published on the subject, in Valor Econômico, on Thursday (19). In a nutshell, judges from across the country were alerted during a recent seminar on the fate of robed colleagues in Poland, Hungary, and Turkey, where democracy is striding backward: from government-sponsored fake news to prison, passing through plundered goods.
If Bolsonaro never had the Judiciary, last week he and Minister Paulo Guedes also lost the market. The precatório PEC was bombed from all sides, the stock market fell, the dollar soared, and future interest rates reached double digits. The president of the Central Bank, cornered by investors and bankers, declared that the "government has to send a responsible message about what the fiscal trajectory will be going forward".
While Bolsonaro spoke of "faith and belief" against the crisis at an Assembly of God in Pará, Affonso Celso Pastore was peeling the government in an interview with O Estado de S.Paulo on Thursday (19). "The euphoria is over. The outlook for 2022 is very bad." The economist's conclusion about the election year is not good: with inflation and unemployment on the rise and without money for populist attitudes, that is, without votes, the president can make what he has always threatened, an institutional rupture.
Folha arrived a little later to the subject and to the same Pastore.
To complete the picture, the Income Tax reform took so many turns in the Chamber that even Guedes is already talking about giving up on the project. It is only with him that fiscal space is created for the new Bolsa Família, a pocket-spirited electoral hope. That is, go back two paragraphs.
Enough of news? There's still Mendonça, Delta, Taliban...
Translated by Kiratiana Freelon